Chinese Graves at the Protestant Cemetery, St. John's

              Chinese Graves at the General Protestant
Cemetery, St. John’s
TERRA BARRETT, HEATHER ELLIOTT,
DALE JARVIS, and LI XINGPEI
Abstract
Arriving at the turn of the 20th century, immigrant Chinese men in St. John’s faced unique challenges and barriers. At the
General Protestant Cemetery in St. John’s, a small grouping of headstones tells a portion of their story. Using burial markers
and records, as well as primary and secondary sources, this article explores the history behind these burials.
Introduction
The General Protestant Cemetery is located between Waterford Bridge Road and Old Topsail Road in St. John’s,
Newfoundland and Labrador. The cemetery has been in use since 1842, with the first burial noted to be that of John Butt on
15 May 1842. Although the cemetery is primarily used and intended for Protestant burials for those of the Congregational,
Methodist, Presbyterian, and United Churches, it also contains plots for those of several different faiths. This includes
followers of the Salvation Army, Judaism, Buddhism, and Taoism, as well as Muslims, who have maintained a section
specifically devoted to those of that faith since 1991.1
In the 1940s plots became scarce, so the main cemetery for those of Protestant faith shifted to Mount Pleasant Cemetery
on Hamilton Avenue.2 Although the General Protestant Cemetery is still in use today, there are very few remaining available
plots, and those that remain are mainly family-owned.
Entering from the North through the main Old Topsail Road entrance, and moving down through the cemetery to the East,
OCCASIONAL PAPER ON INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE
No. 0 0 7 — F E B 2 0 1 7
Heritage Foundation of
Newfoundland & Labrador
ich@heritagefoundation.ca | www.mun.ca/ich PAGE 1
observers will note that in one section the predominantly English inscriptions on the headstones shift into a mix of English
and Chinese. The earliest grave is that of Lee Sop (Marker 26), who died 8 April 1922; the most recent grave is that of Jack
Chong (Marker 1), who died 12 October 1942. The Chinese section of the General Protestant Cemetery is small, with only
27 graves, and is incorporated into the larger body of the cemetery without any special demarcation. It is in many ways
unremarkable at first glance, but this small burying ground can provide a fascinating window into an oft-overlooked part of
Newfoundland and Labrador’s early 20th century history.
“Unlike most histories, graveyards record the lives of all, signify past existences, and recognize one commonality of us
all. The history of rich and poor, famous and infamous alike, is recorded here,” writes cemetery preservationist Lynette
Strangstad.3 The Chinese graves of the General Protestant Cemetery are no exception to this: they record the lives and
deaths of those who have been largely ignored by history, and those whose stories are now infamous.
Fieldwork
The grave markers examined for this study are located in Sections 22 and 23 of the General Protestant Cemetery, according
to the burial records held at the Mount Pleasant Cemetery Office. Section 23 is composed of graves from the 1920s while
Section 22 contains most of the later graves (from 1935-1942).
On 22 June 2016, six staff of the Heritage Foundation of Newfoundland and Labrador visited the General Protestant
Cemetery on Waterford Bridge Road, St. John’s, as part of the foundation’s renewed programs to better explore and
demonstrate the link between built heritage and intangible cultural heritage. This brief visit was to review the cemetery site,
find the Chinese graves section, and note what supplies would be needed for the follow-up visit. Two weeks later, on 4 July
2016, Terra Barrett, Celeste Billung-Meyer, Sarah Hannon, Dale Jarvis, Michael Philpott, and Li Xingpei returned to the site to
uncover further information about the Chinese graves through cemetery mapping, recording the gravestone information,
and rubbing selected stones.
The group measured the location of the 27 graves in the Chinese section of the graveyard in relation to one another and to
the concrete kerbs that surround several of the graves (Fig. 1). Michael then plotted this information on a map with each of
the graves numbered.
Celeste and Sarah focused on recording the English information written on the graves as well as their material, religious
symbols, and condition, leaving the Chinese characters for Xingpei to decipher (Appendix A).
Xingpei and Terra reviewed the stones and decided which stones needed to be rubbed in order to gather more information.
They put tracing paper over the gravestones, using masking tape to keep it taut in order to have a clear rubbing of the
grave. Then they used charcoal to outline the gravestone, and moved across the gravestone horizontally, keeping a steady
pressure (Fig. 2). The rubbings were then photographed and kept for storage. Although rubbings are not always the answer
for gravestone transcription, they often allow for the recording of different information such as the size and shape, and
sometimes allow one to better decipher worn lettering.
Following the initial trip to the graveyard, both Terra and Xingpei completed follow-up trips in order to gather more
information and update the records of the graves. They also made a visit to the Mount Pleasant Cemetery Office on 26 July
2016 to review the burial records for the Chinese graves. Although this information was not up-to-date or complete, there
was some extra information found that did not appear on the gravestones themselves.
A total of 27 grave locations, concrete kerbs, and a number of marker fragments were identified and mapped (Fig. 3). Aside
from the Chinese characters, the markers are relatively unremarkable. The majority of the graves range from 19-39” high,
12-18” wide, and 1.5-4” thick and are upright headstones.
There are three notable exceptions. The most recent marker is a memorial stone erected by the Chinese community in
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memory of the friends and relatives (Fig. 4; Marker 25). This stone was erected in 1988 and is notably wider than the rest of
the stones at 32.” The other two exceptions are sculpture style stones which are laid flat and resemble an open book (Fig. 5;
Markers 6 and 27). These stones are 2” high, 17” wide and range from 13-16” thick. Both stones use one side of the book for
the English inscription and the other for the Chinese.
Two headstones are missing (Markers 7 and 22), two more are cracked off from the base and laid down over the grave
(Markers 15 and 16), and three have been cracked off near the bottom (Markers 13, 18, and 20). Two of the stones that have
cracked near the bottom show signs of concrete or some other fixative which seems to have been used as an adhesive (Fig.
6). A third stone which is cracked and laid flat on the plot also has signs of an attempted repair to the bottom.The bottom
left-hand side of the cemetery map records six fragment pieces. These appear to be at least three or four stones in varying
condition. All of them are cracked - either in half or at the base (Fig. 7). The other misplaced headstone is one of the book
sculptures. This is Marker 27 on the map, and it has been placed behind Markers 9 and 10. It is unclear where this stone
was originally meant to lie. The measurements suggest it could fit in Marker 7, right next to the other open book sculpture
(Marker 6).
There are concrete kerbs surrounding most of the Chinese part of Section 22. Two of the four-sided kerbs on Markers 1
and 11 are cracked, and the kerbs are shifting out of place. The graves of Markers 2, 6, and 7 have four-sided kerbs for the
individual graves. Markers 3, 4, and 5 are located in a group kerb. In Section 23, Markers 13 through 19 have both a head
kerb and a foot kerb, while Markers 20 to 24 only have a head kerb. The oldest grave among the Chinese stones is Marker
26 (Fig. 8), which is to the bottom left of the two lines of graves found in Sections 22 and 23. This grave has a kerb around all
four sides.
There is only one tree amongst the Chinese graves; a maple tree found in Marker 11. Whether or not the tree was planted
intentionally, it has become quite large and the roots have cracked the concrete kerb surrounding the grave. There is also a
smaller maple tree found in the grave behind Markers 1 to 3, while Markers 15 to 17 are shaded by a large maple in the plot
beyond their own.
Language and Names
“Dead men may tell no tales, but their tombstones do,” writes Douglas Keister.4 True to this, the Chinese tombstones of the
General Protestant Cemetery have many tales to tell: from stories of kinship, settlement, and community building, to tales
of hardship, prejudice, and even murder.
While text is sparse on the tombstones, the information they contain offers up intriguing clues to the history of Chinese
settlement in Newfoundland. Inscriptions reveal that those interred in the cemetery were from Guangdong (Kwangtung or
Canton), a southern province in China, where the mother tongue is Cantonese. This language has a very different system of
pronunciation in comparison to Standard Chinese (Modern Standard Mandarin or simply Mandarin), the official language of
People’s Republic of China. More specifically, those buried in the graveyard spoke a type of Cantonese called the Siyi 四邑
dialect. Thus, the romanization of their Chinese names is different from Pinyin, the official romanization system for Standard
Chinese.
Heritage Foundation of NL field researcher Li Xingpei notes:
As a northern Chinese, I can only speak Mandarin and the dialect in my hometown, so it is very difficult for me to
recognize the romanized names on the headstones. Fortunately, the writing system of Chinese is shared by almost
all the Chinese dialects, so I can read the Chinese words in the inscriptions.
The Chinese characters used on the headstones are traditional Chinese characters, which are different from the simplified
ones promoted in the 1950s and used today. Those buried were born between 1878 (Marker 21) and 1921 (Marker 3), and
would not have known or used simplified Chinese characters.
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Fig 1 Celeste Billing-Meyer and Dale Jarvis measure the location of the Chinese graves in the General Protestant Cemetery while Michael
Philpott draws the map (photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 2 Terra Barrett demonstrating how to rub gravestones with charcoal (photo
by Michael Philpott, 2016). • Fig 3 Plan of Chinese Graves, General Protestant Cemetery, St. John’s, NL (Map by Michael Philpott, 2016).
• Fig 4 Memorial marker erected by the Chinese community in memory of all those friends and relatives who have come before, 1988
(photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 5 Open book headstone or marker 6 (photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 6 Signs of fixative found on
marker 13 (photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 7 Cracked fragments of Chinese graves (photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 8 Marker 26 the
oldest grave in the Chinese section (photo by Terra Barrett, 2016). • Fig 9 Hong King’s headstone, marker 11. VA 15b-55.5 (Photographs
by Marshall Studio, Newfoundland Tourist Development Board photograph collection, The Rooms Archives). • Fig 10 Markers 1 through
5. Marker 1 is the grave of Jack Chong. Name noted as Jack Chinese on his burial record. VA 15b-55.6. (Photographs by Marshall Studio,
Newfoundland Tourist Development Board photograph collection, The Rooms Archives).
One of the most difficult pieces of information to interpret is the romanized names of those buried. Generally, romanized
names should literally match the Chinese names in terms of both pronunciation and order. In China, the family name
(or surname) is stated before an individual’s given name. For example, Marker 2 records the name 熊華章, or in English,
Hong Wah Chong. This also applies to Markers 3, 5, 12, and 17. However, there are other cases in which the Chinese and
romanized names do not match. It is unknown how these individuals got these romanized names, and sometimes it is
impossible to discern the correct name order. It can be inferred that the selection of Anglicized names was to make their
names more recognizable and pronounceable to the primarily English-speaking population of St. John’s. In some cases, it
appears they used English nicknames, such as Jim, Jack, or Charlie.
There are some mistakes and omissions in the burial records when compared to the inscriptions on the headstones. For
example, in the case of Hong King 熊奕渠 (Fig. 9; Marker 11), the burial record indicates that King is his surname, which is
incorrect. A similar mistake can be found with Hong Yuen 熊寅 (Marker 19), where Hong should be listed as his surname.
Instead, in the official burial record, Hong is recorded as his given name. These mistakes are likely due to the cultural
differences in the placement of surnames and first names in Chinese and English. One burial is simply noted as being that of
“Jack Chinese” - likely that of the person with the name “Jack Chong” inscribed on his headstone (Fig 10; Marker 1). It should
be noted that this is not the actual name of the buried.
Based on the information provided by these burial records and inscriptions, names can be roughly divided into two groups:
1. Romanized Chinese names, which are exactly translated according to their pronunciations, and which
appear in the same surname/given name order as Chinese names.
2. Anglicized Chinese names, which use a combination of English nicknames or mismatched spellings,
such as Cong, Lim, or Pa, and which follow the order of English given name/surname.
7 8 9
10
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Hometown
The hometowns of these individuals are only recorded in the Chinese inscriptions on their headstones. Hometowns are
a necessary part of the biographical information recorded on Chinese graves, regardless where one was from or where
one lived. For Chinese immigrants, sharing a hometown was one of the most important ways for them to connect with
one another. In particular, Chinese immigrants during the first wave of immigration (from the late 19th century to 1949)
arrived alone and without family members. A shared hometown might be the only relationship to others in the Chinese
community, and could sometimes indicate a shared kinship. Some villages and towns in China were constituted of people
with surnames of the same clan, and so were related biologically to each other by different degrees.
Based upon the 21 hometowns indicated in the gravestone inscriptions, those buried are from three counties in the
Guangdong province: Kaiping 開平 (eleven graves ), Taishan 台山 (nine graves), and Enping 恩平 (one grave). To be
specific, in the group of Kaiping, five inscriptions indicate that these men are even from the same neighborhood of Donghu
東湖. Moreover, of the eleven men from Kaiping 開平, seven of them have the same family name of Oue 區. Of the nine
men from Taishan台山, five have the same family name of Hong 熊。
The region of Siyi 四邑 (which means four counties) in Guandong province includes Kaiping 開平, Taishan 台山, Enping
恩平, and Xinhui 新会, and is known as the hometown region of many overseas Chinese around the world. The town of
Chikan 赤坎 in Kaiping 開平 has a population of 46,000, but there are 90,000 overseas Chinese who are from this town5.
There is even a village in this town called Canada Village, because buildings in this village were mainly constructed by
Chinese Canadians in the 1920s and 1930s.6
The “Registration of Persons of Chinese Race Admitted into The Colony of Newfoundland under the Provisions of The
Chinese Immigration Act” notes that between 4 June 1910 and 26 March 1949,7 all Chinese immigrants were from
Guangdong, and about 90% of them from the area of Siyi 四邑8, 9.
One of the reasons behind this phenomenon is the mode of immigration known as “chain immigration” in which those
living overseas would sponsor their family members, relatives or fellow countrymen for immigration. Most of those who
arrived in the first wave of immigration were working in Chinese laundries, which needed a lot of labour. It would be
rare for someone to sponsor a stranger to come work for them, and therefore almost all the Chinese in the early stage of
immigration were linked by region of origin or kinship.10
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THE CLAN OF OUE
Marker # Family name Full name Hometown
4 區區庭照 / Tong Lee 廣東開平東湖里
8 區區德?/ 廣東開平東湖
10 區區連? 廣東開平東湖
17 區區鹤寿 / Oue Hick Chew 廣東開邑東湖
21 區區?
23 區區淮霖 / Cong Lim 廣東開平
24 區區换照 / Jim Lee 廣東開平東湖里
Probably due to both the large group of fellow countrymen and the absence of family members, especially their wives,
overseas Chinese established some groups for themselves to help each other, mainly based on the region of origin. In
St. John’s, there were two Chinese clan associations11 founded in the 1920s and 1930s.12 Both had their own locations for
gatherings and other social and leisure purposes. One was the Tai Mei Club (自治会) located at 5 Bates Hill in St. John’s, for
those from Kaiping 開平 with the surname of Oue (Fig. 11). The other was the Hong Hang Society (同乡会) for people from
Taishan台山. These clan associations may have played an important role in the erection of some of the headstones of their
community members. An example of this can be found in the burial record for the grave of Hong King 熊奕渠 (Marker 11),
whose headstone was erected by the Hong Hang Society 同乡会.
Neither of these associations exists today. Instead, the Chinese Association of Newfoundland and Labrador, founded in
1976, hosts community events such as the Chinese New Year dinner and dance and an annual family fun day.13
Gender and Age
Judging by the names on the gravestones, it seems that none of those buried here are female. As Mu Li notes, “during the
fifty-odd years between the first arrival of Chinese to Newfoundland in 1895 and Confederation with Canada in 1949, there
was only one Chinese woman who lived in the colony.”14 Most of the Chinese immigrants arriving in Canada during this
time were men working to support their families back home. Regardless if they had wives in China, they lived as bachelors
in their new communities. Female family members usually remained in China, and did not begin to immigrate until much
later.
There are twenty individuals whose ages are legible on their headstones. The average age of death is 37.5 years old. The
oldest man, Tong Lee (Marker 4), was born in 1873 and died at the age of 67. The youngest men were Oue Hick Chew (born
in 1903) and Kung Yuen Shing (born in 1921) (Markers 17 and 3). Both were 19 years old when they died. According to the
document “Registration of Persons of Chinese Race Admitted into The Colony of Newfoundland under the Provisions of The
Chinese Immigration Act” the average age of those entering the province was 24 years old. The age range was between 10
and 52 years old.15
In the 1910s and 1920s there were a number of children between the ages of 11 to 18 who entered Newfoundland to work
as laundrymen. In the years that followed, most of the children in this age group were registered as scholars.
11 12
Fig. 11 5 Bates Hill location of the Tai Mei Club in St. John’s, NL (photo # 26-01-181. A2003-010, Planning Department Collection, City of St. John’s Archives).
Fig. 12 Four police officers outside Jim Lee Laundry on Carter’s Hill, St. John’s, NL (photo # 01-13-004. A1993-022, Magone Collection, City of St. John’s Archives).
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Life for Chinese
Immigrants in St. John’s
Immigrants from various backgrounds began arriving
in Newfoundland and Labrador in the late 19th and
early 20th centuries. The largest communities were
Chinese, Lebanese, and Jewish. Although their
influence may not be as visible today, each left their
mark on the community and the culture. Walking
through St. John’s, you can still find the locations
of former immigrant-owned laundries, shops, and
photography studios.16
Immigration in Newfoundland during the early 20th
century was steady until Confederation in 1949.17
Unlike Canada, Newfoundland did not have a tax for
Chinese immigrants, making it an appealing location.
Immigrants would land in Vancouver and travel
across the country, accompanied by police officers,
until they boarded a boat destined for the island.18
This all changed in 1906 with the passing of two acts:
“An Act to regulate the Law with regard to Aliens”
and “An Act respecting the Immigration of Chinese
Persons.” These acts ended the “open door” attitude
towards immigration, and included a description
of undesirable immigrants. This included those
who were suffering from financial, physical, mental,
or criminal debility. Any Individuals who met this
criteria could be excluded entry or deported from the
country.
These acts also introduced a Head Tax of $300 per Chinese individual immigrating to Newfoundland.19, 20 The decision to
introduce the tax stemmed from a fear of differing cultures, and the fear of job loss for local Newfoundlanders. From 1906 to
1949, over 300 individuals were forced to pay the tax. It was abolished following Confederation.
The first known Chinese immigrant to the St. John’s area was Choy Fong in 1894. Choy Fong opened a laundry in the city,
and after a time wrote to his relatives in China to join him. Shortly after their arrival, they opened laundry businesses of
their own. In fact, a majority of the Chinese immigrants to Newfoundland in this pre-Confederation period opened hand
laundries.21
Doing laundry during this time period was a physically intensive process, done predominantly by women in their homes.
Their reasonable prices and ability to handle higher volumes of laundry meant the Chinese hand laundries were quite
popular from 1895 until well into the 1960s.22 Laundry owners were often successful enough that they were able to pay
the Head Tax, allowing them to sponsor family members and other relatives to immigrate to Newfoundland. Sponsored
individuals would then work for a couple of years, for free, in their sponsor’s laundry until the debt was paid.
These hand laundries were often dangerous places to work. The work was grueling, and there were a number of fires in the
businesses. Both Hong Wah Chong (Marker 2) and Kung Yuen Shing (Marker 3) died on 31 December 1940 in a laundry fire.
13
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Many Chinese immigrants died young,
both in fires and under mysterious
circumstances. One example is the murder
of three Chinese immigrants which took
place in the Jim Lee Laundry on Carter’s Hill
(formerly Murray Street), St. John’s on 3 May
1922 (Fig. 12). Hong Kim Hi (Marker 14),
Hong Leon (Marker 15), and So Ho Ki were
shot and killed by Wo Fen Game, who also
wounded Hong Wing before trying to kill
himself (Fig. 13). Wo Fen Game was a former
employee of the laundry. The murders
were committed as a result of wage and
employment issues, and a family feud
stretching back to their families in China.23
After a trial, Wo Fen Game was convicted of
murder and hanged on 16 December 1922.
Hong Yeun (Marker 19) is also mentioned in
the trial for Wo Fen Game. He was a partner
in the Hop Wah Laundry on Casey Street
(Fig. 14), one of the locations of the Wo Fen
Game murder case.24
Jim Lee (Marker 24), who owned the
laundry where the murder took place,
seems to have been the victim of racism
and robberies in the early 1900s. His
laundry was robbed at least twice,
including an incident in 1908 where he
was severely beaten by two boys, who
then stole the money in his till. The boys
claimed they reacted in self defence when
Lee attacked them with a knife, and they
denied stealing the money.
Just a year earlier, in 1907, a nine-year-old
boy was charged (and found guilty) with
stealing cash and a watch from Jim Lee’s
laundry. The newspaper of the day included
notice of the case, and the following bit of
doggerel:
“Three Chinamen appeared at court,
Amongst the motly throng,
And the following names did sport,
Jim Lee, Kim Lee, and Lee Fong.”25
This type of crime against Chinese
immigrants was not unusual. Tong Lee
(Marker 4) ran a laundry on Prescott Street.
14
15
Fig. 13 Wo Fen Game (A 2-115, Department of Justice and Defence Fonds, The Rooms
Archives). • Fig. 14 View of the corner of Barron Street and Casey Street with the Chinese
laundry, Hop Wah and Company Laundry, to the left (photo # 01-12-003. A1993-021,
Kenney Collection, City of St. John’s Archives). • Fig. 15 Eng Wing Kit in his coffin (photo
# 01-21-003. A2002-030, Jack Fitzgerald Collection, City of St. John’s Archives).
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In 1904, the windows of his establishment were smashed with stones, thrown by several local boys:
TEASING THE CHINAMAN - The bad boys of Prescott Street are beginning to tease Mr. Tong Lee, the Chinese
laundry man lately established there. Saturday night they broke his windows with stones. The police were notified
to-day. Tong’s cousin arrived by the Bruce yesterday.26
There are several other descriptions in local newspapers of the time of robberies, physical attacks, and verbal assaults on
Chinese immigrants, as well as instances of Chinese men being arrested for robbery, and assault.
Additionally, there were reports of influenza and several deaths associated with the disease in the community. A
city Medical Health Officer, Inspector O’Brien, wrote a report in 1906 documenting the living conditions of Chinese
immigrants. The report discussed open sewers, a lack of water, and festering garbage found in Chinese laundries.27 A
second newspaper article, written about Kim Lee and Tom Lee and a New Gower Street laundry, stated their protest
against the Health Inspector’s report. They said that they did not live in crowded rooms, were well ordered, clean, and
had well sanitized living conditions.28 In 1920, a private citizen wrote in the Evening Herald that he opposed the opening
of Chinese laundries in his area, due to the frequency of fires and the danger they posed to the buildings around them.29
Being unable to speak English would certainly have caused a great deal of confusion for new immigrants, leading to
misunderstandings with local officials. There are several instances where a Chinese community member acted as a
translator for a friend or family member during legal proceedings. For example, when Jim Lee was robbed in 1907, he
took Tong Lee with him to the police station, to act as a translator.30
While not all of the names of those buried in the Chinese section of the graveyard appear in the newspapers, those that
do are often not in a positive light. These men dealt with poor living conditions, racism, robberies, assault, and murder,
and were charged with various crimes. Overall, the early 20th century seems to have been a very difficult time for
Chinese immigrants in St. John’s.
There was a second mysterious murder in the Chinese community in July 1938. Eng Wing Kit (Fig. 15; Marker 6), also
known as Charlie Wing Kit or Check Yen, died on the night of 3 July 1938. He was found the next morning in the kitchen
of his restaurant, the Regal Café, in St. John’s. He was hanging from a rope that had been tied to an iron bar, suspended
between the stove and a counter. His face and forehead showed signs of abrasions, and there was a cut across his
throat.31 The police investigation resulted in a mass questioning of the entire Chinese community, but due to the
belief that Eng Wing Kit had been killed by a Chinese secret society, or “tong,” many members of the community were
uncooperative.32 Finally, leaders in the community banded together and encouraged anyone who had information
to come forward, promising them protection if they did so.33 This eventually lead to the arrest of one suspect, Quang
John Shang, but weak witness testimony resulted in a verdict of “not guilty,” and he was released.34 To date, the case is
considered unsolved.
Conclusion
Strangstad notes cemeteries are open museums, and individual tombstones are irreplaceable historical documents. She
writes, “The ready accessibility of these museums allows all of us, not only historians, to view, to appreciate, to study
these documents, to enjoy their artwork, to learn of our own history. They are invaluable educational tools through
which we can teach our history to new generations, through which we can impart a sense of our historic past.”35
The Chinese graves of the General Protestant Cemetery are a perfect example of this. They stand today as a tangible part
of our cultural landscape and remind us of the lives of the Newfoundland Chinese immigrant community in the early
20th century. While they speak of family, of clan associations and hard work, they are also reminders of hardship, racism,
and the challenges encountered by new immigrants.
PAGE 10
These echos from Newfoundland’s past continue to have resonance today. In our contemporary society, issues around
immigration and race are often at the forefront of daily conversation and political discourse. A better understanding of
the complexities of our past may, hopefully, allow us to have more meaningful discussions about how we got to where
we are today, and where we aim to be tomorrow.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
An earlier version of this article was printed in The Newfoundland Ancestor (Volume 32, Issue 4, 2016).
Endnotes
1. Sexty, Suzy. E-mail message received by Terra Barrett, July 30, 2016.
2. Sexy Suzy. Personal communication with Terra Barrett. August 2, 2016..
3. Strangstad, Lynette. A Graveyard Preservation Primer. 2nd Ed. AltaMira Press, Maryland, 2013. p11.
4. Keister, Douglas. Stories in Stone: A Field Guide to Cemetery Symbolism and Iconography. (Gibbs Smith, Salt Lake City, 2004) 11.
5. Official Website of the Town of Chikan. http://chikan.kaiping.gov.cn/chikangaikuang/xiangzhengaikuang/2013-01-04/18.html
6. Canada Village, Wikipedia. https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%8A%A0%E6%8B%BF%E5%A4%A7%E6%9D%91
7. “Registration of Persons of Chinese Race Admitted into The Colony of Newfoundland under the Provisions of The Chinese Immigration Act
6 EDW. VII CAP 2, June 4, 1910 to March 26, 1949.” St. John’s, Newfoundland. http://collections.mun.ca/cdm/compoundobject/collection/
chinese/id/396/rec/1
8. Li, Mu. Wanderers between Cultural Boundaries: Exploring the Individual Expressions of Chineseness in Newfoundland. 2014. http://research.
library.mun.ca/8192/1/thesis.pdf. (St. John’s, NL) 51.
9. This document also indicates that more than 90% of Chinese immigrants were working as laundrymen. In 1910s, there were only three
exceptions: 1 student, 2 cooks.
10. Li 50.
11. Clan association 同乡会 is a group organization for Chinese who work or study out of their hometowns. It does not only happen among
overseas Chinese, but also in China. In Beijing, the capital of China, or other big cities, there used to be many groups like this. The properties
of these groups are often called XX (the name of the provinces, cities, towns,etc.) guild hall (XX会馆).
12. Li 86.
13. Chinese Association of Newfoundland and Labrador. www.canl.ca/index.php
14. Li 59.
15. “Registration of Persons of Chinese Race Admitted into The Colony of Newfoundland under the Provisions of The Chinese Immigration Act
6 EDW. VII CAP 2, June 4, 1910 to March 26, 1949.” St. John’s, Newfoundland. http://collections.mun.ca/cdm/compoundobject/collection/
chinese/id/396/rec/1
16. Higgins, Jenny and Callanan, Luke. “Other Ethnic Groups,” Heritage Newfoundland & Labrador Webpage. www.heritage.nf.ca/articles/society/
other-ethnic-groups.php 2008.
17. Chinese Community, Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador, Vol. 1. (St. John’s, 1981) 425.
18. Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador, 426.
19. Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador, 427.
20. “Chinese Head Tax”, Newfoundland Head Tax Redress Organization, Inc. www.nlhro.org/D78/chinese-headtax
21. Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador, 425.
22. “Chinese Laundries,” Newfoundland Head Tax Redress Organization, Inc., www.nlhro.org/D78/chinese-laundries
23. Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador, 786.
24. Fitzgerald, Jack. “The Tong Murders,” True Crime & Adventure. Vol. 1. (St. John’s, 2015) 67.
25. Meting Out Justice. Evening Telegram (St. John’s, NL, 1907-08-21) 4.
26. Local Happenings. Evening Telegram (St. John’s, NL, 1904-04-11) 3.
27. Fuller details from Health Inspector’s report. Evening Herald (St. John’s, NL, 1906-02-13).
28. Chinamen protest against Health Inspector’s Report. Evening Herald (St. John’s, NL, 1906-02-13).
29. Chinese Laundries. Evening Herald (St. John’s, NL, 1920-11-10).
30. Chinaman Robbed. Evening Telegram (St. John’s, NL, 1907-08-19) 6.
31. Fitzgerald 83.
32. Encyclopedia of Newfoundland and Labrador 270.
33. Fitzgerald 85.
34. Fitzgerald 94.
35. Strangstad 12.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Our Mission
HFNL was established in 1984 to promote, preserve and protect the built heritage of the province. In 2008, HFNL was chosen
to be the agency that would implement the province’s ICH Strategy. Our mission is to safeguard and sustain the Intangible
Cultural Heritage of Newfoundland and Labrador for present and future generations everywhere, as a vital part of the
identities of Newfoundlanders and Labradorians, and as a valuable collection of unique knowledge and customs.
ich@heritagefoundation.ca | www.mun.ca/ich PAGE 11
MARKER # INSCRIBED ENGLISH
NAME
CHINESE NAME HOMETOWN DATE OF
DEATH
AGE INSCRIPTION / TRANSLATION
1 Jack Chong 鄭長業廣東台山海晏
佑村
12 October
1942
46 JACK CHONG /鄭長業坟，廣東台山海晏佑村，終于民国卅一年十月十二日巳时，享寿四十六歲 。[The
grave of Jack Chong, who was from Haiyanyou,Taishan,Guangdong and died in the morning of 12
Oct.1942,at the age of 46.]
2 Hong Wah Chong 熊華章廣東台山縣聯
安市
31 December
1940
24 HONG WAH CHONG AGED 24 YEARS DIED DEC. 31 1940/熊華章君墓，生于廣東台山縣聯安市，终于一
年四零年十二月卅一日 。[The grave of Hong Wah Chong, who was born in Lianan, Taishan, Guangdong
and died in 31 Dec.1940.]
3 KUNG YUEN SHING 龔遠勝廣東恩平縣31 December
1940
19 KUNG YUEN SHING AGED 19 YEARS DIED DEC。31 1940/龔公遠勝墓，廣東恩平縣人，享寿拾九歲，终
于民國廿九年十二月卅一日 。[The grave of Kung Yuen Shing, who was from Enping,Guangdong and died
at the age of 19, in 31 Dec.1940.]
4 Tong Lee 區庭照廣東開平東
湖里
16 July 1940 67 TONG LEE DIED JULY 16th 1940 AGED 67 YEARS/區公庭照之墓，廣東開平東湖里人，终于民國二十九
年七月十六日，享寿六十七歲 。[The grave of Tong Lee,who was from Donghuli,Kaiping, Guangdong and
died in 16 July 1940, at the age of 67.]
5 Wong Yee Fung 黄義逢廣東開平縣21 November
1939
45 WONG YEE FUNG AGED 45 YEARS DIED NOV. 21 - 1939/黄公義逢墓，廣東開平縣人，享寿四十歲，终
于民廿八年十一月廿一日 。[The grave of Wong Yee Fung, who was from Kaiping, Guangdong and died at
the age of 49 in 21 Nov.1939.]
6 ENG WING KIT 吴榮傑廣東開平縣第
六區大乪？洞
3 July 1938 35 ENG WING KIT DIED JULY 3 1938 AGED 35 YEARS/吴君榮傑之墓，廣東開平縣第六區大乪？洞 。[The
grave of Eng Wing Kit, who was from Da?dong,6th district, Kaiping, Guangdong.]
7 MISSING
8 Pa Chew 區德照廣東開平東湖4 February 1937 39 PA CHEW DIED FEB. 4th 1937 AGED 39 YEARS/區德照君墓，廣東開平東湖人，终于一九三七年二月四
日，享寿三十九歲 。[The grave of Pa Chew, who was from Donghu,Kaiping,Guangdong and died in 4
Feb.1937 at the age of 39.]
9 Charlie Yee 余發和廣東台山29 October
1935
40 IN MEMORY OF CHARLIE YEE DIED OCT 29th 1935 AGED 40 YEARS/余發和君坟墓，廣東台山人，终
于一九三五年十月二十九，享寿四十 。[The grave of Charlie Yee, who was from Taishan, Guangdong and
died in 29 Oct.1935 at the age of 40.]
10 Tie Lee 區連齊？ 廣東開平東湖21 October
1935
37 TIE LEE DIED OCT 21ST 1935 AGED 37 YEARS/區連齊？君墓，廣東開平東湖人，终于一九三五年十月廿
一日，享寿三十七歲 。[The grave of Tie Lee, who was from Donghu, Kaiping, Guangdong and died in 21
Oct.1935 at the age of 37.]
11 Hong King 熊奕渠廣東台山大
光里
28 February
1935
30 IN MEMORY OF HONG KING DIED FEB 28TH 1935 AGED 30 YEARS/熊奕渠之墓，廣東台山大光里，终
于民國廿四年二月廿五日，享寿三十歲（同鄉會立 。[The grave of Hong King, who was from Daguangli,
Taishan and died in 25 Feb. 1935 at the age of 30.(Erected by the Association of Townsmen)]
12 Hong Dean Shing 熊進盛 27 October
1935
40 HONG DEAN SHING DIED OCT 27TH 1935/進盛熊公墓，享寿四十歲，终于民國二十四年十二月廿七日
。[The grave of Hong Dean Shing, who died at the age of 40 in 27 Oct.1935]
13 County of Hoi
Ping/ 開平县
BORN IN COUNTY OF HOI PING CHINA
14 Hong Kim County of
Sin Ing
May 3 1922 36 IN LOVING MEMORYHONG KIMDIED MAY 3 1922
AGED 36 YEARSBORN IN COUNTY OF
SIN ING CHINA
15 Hong Leon County of
Sin Ing
May 3 1922 34 IN LOVINGMEMORY OFHONG LEONDIED MAY 3, 1922
AGED 34 YEARS
BORN IN COUNTY OF
SIN ING CHINA
16 Lee Lournd 李柒廣東台山15 May 1922 34 LEE LOURND DIED MAY 15TH 1922 AGED 34 YEARS/李柒君之墓，终于民国十一年五月十五日，享寿？
歲 。[The grave of Lee Lournd,who died in 15 May 1922 at the age of ?]
17 Oue Hick Chew 區鹤寿廣東開邑東
湖里
20 July 1922 19 IN LOVING MEMORY OF OUE HICK CHEW DIED JULY 20TH 1922 AGED 19 YEARS/廣東省開邑僑民
名鹤寿區公坟，终于民國十一年七月二十，享寿十九歲，東湖里人 。[The grave of Oue Hick Chew,an
immigrant from Donghuli,Kaiyi,Guangdong province, who died in20 July 1922 at the age of 19.]
18 MISSING
19 Hong Yuen 熊寅奕？ 廣東台山27 November
1924
45 IN MEMORY OF HONG YUEN DIED NOV. 27 1924 AGED 45 YEARS/廣東台山僑民?名寅熊公墓，享寿
四十五歲，终于？年十一月廿柒 。[The grave of Hong Yuen,an immigrant from Taishan, Guangdong, who
died at the age of 45 in ?27 Nov.1927]
20
21 Lin Sun 區？ 廣東開平16 May 1925 47 IN MEMORY OF LIN SUN DIED MAY 16 1925 AGED 47 YEARS/廣東開平僑民？區公墓，终于？年五月
十六？
22 MISSING
23 Cong Lim 區淮霖廣東開平10 July 1929 22 CONG LIM DIED JULY 10 1929 AGED 22 YEARS CANTON CHINA/廣東開平淮霖區公坟，享寿二十二歲，
终于民國十八年七月十日 。[The grave ofCong Lim,who was from Kaiping, Guangdong and died at the
age of 22 in 10 July 1929.]
24 Jim Lee 區换照廣東開平東
湖里
1 June 1933 51 JIM LEE DIED JUNE 1ST 1939 AGED 51 YEARS/區公?照之墓，廣東開平東湖里人，终于民國廿二年六月
一日，享寿五十一歲 。[The grave of Jim Lee,who was from Donghuli, Kaiping, Guangdong and died in 1
June 1939 at the age of 51.]
25 ERECTED BY THE CHINESE COMMUNITY IN MEMORY OF ALL THOSE FRIENDS AND RELATIVES
WHO HAVE GONE BEFORE 1988/華僑公墓，華協會立。
26 Lee Sop 廣東省台山8 April 1922 IN LOVING MEMORY OF LEE SOP DIED APRIL 8TH 1922 AGED/廣東省台山僑民？公坟？ 。[The grave
of ?, who is from Taishan, Guangdong.]
27 Lee Dep 李洽廣東省開平第
六區龍頭
30 July 1937 33 IN MEMORY OF LEE DEP DIED JULY 30 1930 AGED 33 YEARS/廣東開平李洽先生 第六區龍頭 。[The
grave of Lee Dep, who is from 6th District,Kaiping, Guangdong.]
THREE FRAGMENTED STONES
CHIN CHEW 14 August 1922 42
GONG KEE
TOM YEE SING 谭如星 15 May 1929 35
APPENDIX
PAGE 12